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On 4 March 1987, Reagan made a further nationally televised address, taking full responsibility, and saying that "what began as a strategic opening to Iran deteriorated, in its implementation, into trading arms for hostages". Neither found any evidence that President Reagan himself knew of the extent of the multiple programs.

Ultimately the sale of weapons to Iran was not deemed a criminal offense but charges were brought against five individuals for their support of the Contras.

Having talked to an Israeli diplomat David Kimche and Leeden, Mc Farlane learned that the Iranians were prepared to have Hezbollah release American hostages in Lebanon in exchange for Israelis shipping Iran American weapons.

to the Islamic republic as a way of aiding a supposedly moderate, politically influential faction within the regime of Ayatollah Khomeini who was believed to be seeking a rapprochement with the United States; after the transaction, the United States would reimburse Israel with the same weapons, while receiving monetary benefits.

The Iranian recipients promised to do everything in their power to achieve the release of the hostages.

Eleven convictions resulted, some of which were vacated on appeal.

To fund "the Enterprise", the Reagan administration was constantly on the look-out for funds that came from outside the U. government in order not to explicitly violate the letter of the Boland amendment, though the efforts to find alternative funding for the Contras violated the spirit of the Boland amendment.

Dynamic political evolution is taking place inside Iran. to exploit and benefit from any power struggle that results in changes from the Iranian regime ... S should encourage Western allies and friends to help Iran meet its import requirements so as to reduce the attractiveness of Soviet assistance ...

The broader constitutional question at stake was the power of Congress vs. The Reagan administration argued that because the constitution assigned the right to conduct foreign policy to the executive, its efforts to overthrow the government of Nicaragua were a presidential prerogative that Congress had no right to try to halt via the Boland amendments.

By contrast congressional leaders argued that the constitution had assigned Congress control of the budget, and Congress had every right to use that power not to fund projects like attempting to overthrow the government of Nicaragua that they disapproved of.

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